Eri

Set the country on a path to democracy

This author had argued before that the solution is a “democratic coup”: meaning, for the ruling party to reset itself and set the country on a path to democracy (article published at awate can be found here. ) This, obviously, would mean that those who are in a position to do so–the leaders of the Eritrean government’s civilian and military institutions–remove Isaias Afwerki from power and resume the path that was started in 1997 when the country’s constitution was ratified.  This idea was further fleshed out in more detail by former Minister of Finance Berhane Abrehe in his book: Hagherey Ertra, whose English summary and critique is available here.  This author and Berhane Abrehe made the assumption that it was still possible for Eritreans inside Eritrea to be the engineers of this change, a prospect that seems distant now in a land ravaged by Isaias Afwerki’s sadism and a pandemic.

It is time that the Eritrean Diaspora assumed more of the responsibility and in this article, I will try to flesh out an idea that I consider viable and, more importantly, grants our future leaders instant legitimacy.

Before I propose my idea, let’s agree on the facts, first:

  1. Eritrea has only one legal party (it calls itself a Front) and this party has not had an organizational congress since 1994 (February 1994, 27 years ago.)
  2. Of the 75 members of the Party’s Central Committee, the individuals whose names appear in bold are either dead, in detention, in exile or “frozen” (quietly demoted):
  3. Abdella Jaber: 2. Abraha Kassa:  3. Abrahaley Kifle:  4. Adhanom G/mariam:  5. Ahmed Haji Ali:  6. Ahmed Omer Kakai:  7. Ahmed Tahir Baduri 8. Alamin M. Said:   9. Alamin Sheik Saleh  10. Alamin Siraj  11. Ali Said Abdella  12. Almaz Ljam  13. Amna Nur-Hussein  14. Andebrhan W/Giorgis  15. Andemikael Kahsai  16. Asemrom Gerezgiher    17. Askalu Menkerios  18. Aster Fessehatzion  19 Beraki Gebreslassie  20 Berhane Abrehe    21 Berhane Gerezgiher   22 Berhane Zerai  23 Ermias Debessai  24 Fana Tesfamariam  25 Filipos W/yohannes  26. Fozia Hashim  27. Gerezgiher A/mariam   28. Germano Nati    29. Giorgis Teklemikael  30. Hagos Gebrehiwet  31. Haile Menkorious  32. Haile Mehtsun   33. Haile Samuel  34. Haile Woldense   35 Hamed M.Karikare  36. Hamid Himid   37. Hiwet Zemikael­­­  38. Isaias Afwerki    39. Issa Ahmed Issa   40. Luel Ghebreab   41. Mahmud Ali Herui    42. Mahmud Sharifo     43. Mesfin Hagos    44. Mohamed Ali Jaber   45. Mohammed A. Omaro   46. Mohammed Berhan Blata   47 Mohammed O. Redo  48. Muhyadin Shengeb     49. Musa Rabá   50. Mustafa Nurhussein   51. Naizgi Kiflu   52. Nati Ibrahim  53. Ogbe Abraha  54. Omer Hassen Tewil   55. Osman M. Omer  56. Osman Saleh Mohammed  57. Petros Solomon  58. Romedan Osman Awliay   59. Saleh Idris Keckya   60. Saleh Meki   61. Salma Hassen  62. Sebhat Ephrem  63. Simon Gebredengel  64. Stefanos Seyoum    65. Teklai Habteselassie   66. Tesfai Gebreselassie   67 Woldemikael G/mariam    68. Woldenkiel Abraha      69. Worku Tesfamikael   70. Yemane Gebreab    71. Yusuf Sayiqh   72. Zahra Jabir    73. Zemehret Yohannes    74. Zemzem Abdella   75. Ibrahim Totil

III.        There are thousands of EPLF supporters who do not support PFDJ and do not       have a political home. These are the “Shaebia Now, Shaebia Forever, But   Death To         PFDJ” people.

  1. Over the last 20 years, the Eritrean opposition has failed in organizing itself into a potent political force with vibrant institutions of law, media, and          communication. During the same period, the Eritrean Diaspora has also failed to create a self-sustaining civil society despite the fact that it has been quite      successful at creating ad-hoc groups focused on a single issue (Isaias To ICC, HRC,  OneDaySeyoum, and 101 YouTube Channels and Facebook groups and satellite stations.)  All the splinters have been caused, in my opinion, due to lack of legitimacy: nobody accepts the authority of a leader.

Now then, my proposal.

  1. The exiled Central Committee members of “PFDJ”, and those who were Central Committee members in the last (1987) EPLF congress should convene an Organizational Congress, the 4th EPLF Congress, as soon as feasible. Its purpose is to address the hijacking (and renaming) of their organization at the 3rd congress.
  2. The mixed blessing (gulbub mrqa iye zblo ane) of COVID19 is that congresses do not need to be a logistical nightmare of booking airline tickets, hotels and visas anymore. The Organizational Congress can be a series of Zoom Meetings.
  3. This being an organizational congress, the Central Committee members need not worry about the primary obstacle of deciding whom to invite and not invite: those inviting and those being invited should be proud EPLF leaders and members.  Again, this is an Organizational Congress.
  4. Unaffiliated Eritreans, friends of Eritrea and other opposition organizations should be invited as observers, as is always the case with organizational congresses.
  5. The Organizational Congress should focus on re-drafting the Organizational Charter (including renaming itself back to EPLF although EPLF need not stand for People’s Liberation Front–it can be Eritrean People’s Liberty Forum–but the idea is to rid the country of the toxicity associated with PFDJ.)
  6. The Organizational Congress should stay true to the calls made by the now-arrested members of the Central Committee (the G-15, the Forto Mutiny engineers.) That is, the beginning documents should be the EPLF’s 1987 resolution coupled with the Open Letters of the G-15.
  7. If the Central Committee members are saying, “But I can’t stand so-and-so”, you are still being victims of Isaias Afwerki whose ascendancy to, and monopoly of, power was facilitated by having his colleagues in constant suspicion of each other.  If the Central Committee members are saying “we are old, etc, etc”, remember your cohorts in Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF)  did not say that when they felt the fate of their country and all they paid to make it happen was at risk: they went to the mountains to fight. Ambassador Seyoum Mesfin chose to go to the mountains, to side with his people, and got shot in the head for it (with gun powder still visible on his forehead, for the cold assassination. If you don’t admire that, check your Hamot.)   You are only being asked to organize an organizational congress and your role will be transitional.
  8. The Organizational Congress should have a democratic election where it elects its leadership, who then elect the executive team. This ensures continuity and grants the new leadership something sorely lacking in the Eritrean Opposition: 
  9. It is important that the EPLF Central Committee know that it cannot do anything on its own.  Therefore, its resolutions must be opposition-friendly.  What that means is part of the agenda of the Organizational Congress must be to study and evaluate the blueprints that have been issued by various political organizations over the last 20 years (leave the arrogance to the PFDJ at home) and arrive at decisions with the assumption that it will be forming a United Front with the other groups.
  10. All of this must be pursued with a sense of urgency: it must be started and finished before May 24, 2021: Eritrea’s 30 anniversary of Independence which, sadly, has been transformed to total subservience to Isaias Afwerki.

What Then?

Shortly following the convening of the EPLF Organizational Congress, Eritrea’s other half must hold its own Organizational Congress.   By “other half” I refer to Eritreans who do not think the EPLF represents their values.   The two organizations (not ten, but two) then create a Unity Government In Exile, representing themselves as an alternative to the Band of Misfits and Enslavers in Eritrea.  This will not enable them to do all the things a government does, but it will empower and legitimize them to do some of the things governments do including meeting with foreign dignitaries and fashioning alternative policies to the suicidal ones pursued by the PFDJ.

If you are thinking it is too bold to announce oneself a government in exile: you shouldn’t even try. The only reason the one in Eritrea calls itself a government is not because it is governing by the consent of the people (whereas you will) but because it has guns.  If that is your argument,  that only people with guns should hold power, then you should forget about the Organizational Congress and organize an army.  Geisha Alla ember eta ghedli, as wedi tkabo sang. But doing nothing is not an option. 

Besides, what is the alternative?  For people like General Filipos to organize a coup?  For a people who are under house arrest and banned from organizing in groups of 10 to organize a popular uprising? For Isaias Afwerki to die? News alert: his mama is still alive.

Let’s get to it.

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Eritrea: The wisdom of government in exile

I understand where [the discussion is] coming from. I also know that the concerns are shared by many. However, in most instances, I try to avoid [mentioning] entities such as those who profess their inner desires on how they would like to make a meal out of us. The reason I avoid addressing them directly is because it is premature and bordering on childish to do so. If the TPLF leadership or others [have a] calculation, then they bear full responsibility for the consequences. My main concern is that [of] a civil war in Eritrea, where Eritreans turn on each other. That would entail incalculable devastation to Eritrea and its future. If on the other hand Eritreans manage to at least stay clear of violence towards each other, a chicken can dream whatever it wants. Dreams are free.

This is where the wisdom of Government in Exile (GiE), the way it proposes continuity based on a minimum common grounds kicks in. The GiE is merely a transitional body that would pave the way to whatever political path the nation will chart.

I truly believe that Isaias Afwerki (IA) is a key bottleneck in fending off the demise of Eritrea. I say this to the opposition, the PFDJ and the silent friends alike. When IA falls, it is like a dam or blocked water being released. The vast majority of the silent ones will automatically become one with the opposition’s viewpoint. The hard core PFDJ, mostly diaspora based, would either try to quietly disappear in-order to avoid being criminally litigated against, or show a foolhardy final stand. The latter would assume that they would have some base in Eritrea, that is unlikely. PFDJ ministers might be guilty by association to some degree but I don’t consider them to be the target of retribution (with the exception of few such as the two Yemanes and those in dept. 72 – aka Hagerawi Dihnet [National Security]). The vast body of these who would be fully implicated and hunted down are the the top-brass military officers who have taken advantage of the Eritrean people when we are down. The ministers are not really that much implicated. But their stupid silence and enabling has done much damage.

So, when IA, the diaspora PFDJ implants, the military leadership are once removed, the rest of Eritrea can decide to enter into a vow of healing and letting bygones be bygones. GiE, composed of mostly diaspora based ex-leaderships of both fronts and early GoE, civil society, grass-root diaspora opposition, Eritrean people at home, the armed forces and all citizens can rally around to help Eritrea get past the tight jam of transition period. If we survive it, that would be a success worthy of generational and monumental accolade. Patience is important, letting-go is important, imagining Eritrea as it should be is important.

If we are united, value each other and learn to wait and give space for diverse views and so forth, we would stand strong and those who are planning to fry us for lunch will have devastating news awaiting them. For now we’ll let them do talking the talk, but surely we will meet them when they venture for walking the walk – and mark my words – if we stand together, it will end in greater disaster than they bargained for themselves.

So, the key here is that we need to understand that the fall of IA , Idiot in Chief, is critically important. But, it will also require us to be in a maximum state of alert to ensure that it happens with the least impact as possible. We wish well to our neighbors to the south, east, west and the greater region, but we may be laying down but definitely not asleep.


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